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History and Government
History: The present borders of Algeria (as well as those of Tunisia and Libya) were determined when the region became part of the Ottoman Empire, at which time each of the countries was an administrative subdivision (vilayat). The coming of the Ottomans led to the Spanish losing the coastal strip they had previously held for several centuries. It subsequently became a pirate base for attacking European fleets. The French launched a military attack in 1830 and occupied part of the littoral which became the embryo for their subsequent North African colonial empire.
Pressure for independence began from within the country in the early 1950s with the formation of the Front de Libération Nationale (FLN). The civil war which ensued from the French reluctance to concede independence pitted the FLN, backed by the bulk of the population against the French military, the pieds noirs (French settlers) and their Arab supporters (known as harkis). Even by the standards of the many wars of independence throughout that era, the Algerian one was characterised by particular brutality and is estimated to have led to one million casualties. Independence was finally conceded in 1962 with an FLN-controlled government under Ahmed Ben Bella. Ben Bella was subsequently deposed by the Minister of Defence, Houari Boumedienne, who ruled until his death in December 1978. Boumedienne's replacement was an army commander, Chadli Bendjedid, reflecting the continuing strong influence of the military on Algerian politics. The orthodox socialist policies initially adopted by the FLN were discarded from 1986 onwards with the revision of the National Charter to stress ‘pragmatic socialism’: in part, this was a response to the rise of Islamic influence, especially among the urban poor.
Exactly how far this process had gone became apparent in June 1990 when multi-party municipal and local elections were held for the first time. Although the FLN secured a majority, Islamic parties made a strong showing, especially in the urban ghettos of Algiers and other cities. The most prominent of the new parties was the Front Islamique du Salut (FIS, Islamic Salvation Front) whose growing support has since changed the face of Algerian politics. In January 1992, FIS won a comprehensive victory in national elections. However, the government immediately annulled the result and declared a state of emergency.
Over the ensuing months, the military took complete control with the support and collaboration of a group of civil servants, military and intelligence officials, commonly known as Le Pouvoir (literally ‘The Power’). The regime’s dominant figure over the next five years was General Liamine Zéroual, a senior army officer, who became defence minister and then president. Opposing Le Pouvoir were FIS and, increasingly, armed dissidents led by the Groupe Islamique Armée (GIA). The stage was now set for a savage civil war, which has consumed the country with a series of apparently random slaughters of hundreds of civilians in isolated villages, and also of groups of foreign journalists or aid workers. There is compelling evidence that government-controlled units are involved in many of these killings as well as members of the militant Islamic factions. With extensive support from the French government, the regime has managed to keep effective control of the country.
Several elections have since been held in order to bolster the regime’s legitimacy and prove to the international community that normal conditions apply. At the beginning of 1999, Zéroual announced his intention to step down. A new presidential poll was arranged, but under such tightly controlled conditions that candidates who initially chose to oppose the official candidate eventually decided to boycott it. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, formerly Algeria’s long-standing and respected foreign minister was thus elected unopposed. The incidence of violence has declined somewhat during the last few years as the security forces have got to grips with the guerrilla organisations. However, during 2001, the government was also faced with growing agitation from the country's Berber ethnic minority over language and civil rights. Following the withdrawal of the main Berber political grouping and the rally for culture and democracy, Bouteflika made a number of concessions to Berber demands in early 2002 which have pacified the increasingly violent confrontation between Berbers and the government. (Tamazight, the Berber tongue, is now recognised as an official national language).
Government: An executive president is directly elected for a five-year term. The bicameral legislature, which serves as the legislature, comprises the 380-seat National People’s Assembly (al-Majlis al-Sha'abi al-Watani) whose members are directly elected for a five-year term; and the 144-member National Council (al-Majlis al-Umma) with two-thirds elected by ‘communal councils’ and the remainder appointed by the president.
Copyright © 2003 Columbus Publishing Ltd.
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